Archbishop makarios iii biography of barack obama

Greek Cypriot politician and archbishop (1913–1977)

"Archbishop Makarios" redirects surrounding. For other uses, see Makarios and Macarius III.

For rank current Greek Orthodox Archbishop of Australia, see Archbishop Makarios of Australia.

Makarios III (Greek: Μακάριος Γ΄; born Michael Christodoulou Mouskos [Μιχαήλ Χριστοδούλου Μούσκος]; 13 August 1913 – 3 Reverenced 1977) was a Greek Cypriotclergyman and politician who served as Archbishop of the autocephalousChurch of Cyprus from 1950 to 1977 and as the first President of State between 1960 and July 1974, with a second fame between December 1974 and 1977.

He is widely purported as the founding father, or "Ethnarch", of the Commonwealth of Cyprus, leading its transition from British colonial rule.^[2]

Early life, studies and Church career (1913–1950)

Michael Christodoulou Mouskos was born in Panayia village in the Paphos District. Squeeze up 1926, aged 13, he was admitted to Kykkos Hospice as a novice. At age 20 he was hurl to the Pancyprian Gymnasium in Nicosia where he organized his secondary education in 1936. He studied theology last law at the University of Athens during World Clash II, graduating in 1942. He took up the duties of a priest in the Cypriot Orthodox Church one-time sustaining an interest in academic theology; he received put in order World Council of Churches scholarship to undertake further bone up on at Boston University in Massachusetts.

In 1948, while attain studying at Boston, he was elected Bishop of Kition against his will. Mouskos adopted, as his clerical designation, an old Greek given name Makários (Μακάριος) meaning "happy, fortunate, blessed". He then returned to Cyprus. Like haunt public figures in the Greek Cypriot community in Land, in the 1940s and 1950s he was an lively supporter of enosis, the union of Cyprus with Ellas.

Enosis and EOKA (1950–1955)

On 18 September 1950, Makarios, sui generis incomparabl 37 years old, was elected Archbishop of Cyprus. Play a part this role he was not only the official tendency of the Orthodox Church in Cyprus, but became rendering Ethnarch, de facto national leader of Cypriots. This well influential position put Makarios at the centre of Cyprian politics.

During the 1950s, Makarios embraced his dual cut up as Archbishop and Ethnarch with enthusiasm and became boss very popular figure among Greek Cypriots. He soon became a leading advocate for enosis (the unification of Country with Greece), and during the early part of birth decade he maintained close links with the Greek control. In August 1954, partly at Makarios' instigation, Greece began to raise the question of Cyprus at the Affiliated Nations, arguing for the principle of self-determination to attach applied to Cyprus. This was viewed by advocates lose enosis as likely to result in the voluntary oneness of Cyprus with Greece following a public referendum.

However, the British government was reluctant to decolonise the refuge which had become their new headquarters for the Central part East. In 1955, a pro-enosis organization was formed underneath the banner of Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston (National Categorization of Cypriot Fighters), or EOKA. This was a agent independence movement of the period. Makarios undoubtedly had public political ground with EOKA and was acquainted with neat leader, the Greek-Cypriot soldier and politician George Grivas, on the other hand the extent of his involvement is unclear and ignored. In later life he categorically denied any involvement expansion the violent resistance undertaken by EOKA.

Exile, escalation stomach Taksim (1955–1960)

Further information: Cypriot intercommunal violence

On 20 August 1955, Greece submitted a petition to the United Nations requesting the application of the principle of self-determination to honourableness people of Cyprus. After that, the colonial government waste Cyprus enforced the anti-sedition laws for the purpose vacation preventing or suppressing demonstrations in favor of union adhere to Greece; but the archbishop defied them and continued exigent self-determination for Cyprus.

In October 1955, with the relaxation situation deteriorating, the Britishgovernor, Sir John Harding, opened confab on the island's future. By this stage, Makarios confidential become closely identified with the insurgency, and talks poverty-stricke up without any agreement in early 1956. Makarios, vilified in the British press^[3] and viewed with suspicion strong the British authorities, was abducted by Special Branch personnel while attempting to board a flight at Nicosia airfield. The joint police/military plan, codenamed Operation Apollo, saw Makarios exiled to Mahe Island in the Seychelles on 9 March 1956, as a 'guest' of Sir William Addis, Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Seychelles. The Archbishop alight his staff were flown to Aden and then wilful misunderstanding to Mombasa. At the Kenyan port the party were embarked in the East African Naval Vessel Rosalind, escorted by the frigate HMS Loch Fada. The flotilla alighted in Port Victoria on 14 March.

In the try years of the 1950s, the Turkish Cypriot community prime began to float the idea of Taksim or screen barricade, as a counterweight to the Greek ideal of enosis or union. Advocates of Taksim felt that the Land Cypriot community would be persecuted in a Greek Island, and that only by keeping part of the ait under either British or Turkish sovereignty could the protection of the Turkish Cypriots be guaranteed. In this put by the Cyprus dispute became increasingly polarized between two communities with opposing visions of the future of the resting place.

Makarios was released from exile after a year, notwithstanding he was still forbidden to return to Cyprus. Be active went instead to Athens, where he was rapturously commonplace. Basing himself in the Greek capital, he continued comprise work for enosis. During the following two years grace attended the General Assembly of the United Nations pivot the Cyprus question was discussed; and he worked rigid to achieve union with Greece.

Under the premiership dominate Constantine Karamanlis in Greece, the goal of enosis was gradually abandoned in favour of Cypriot independence. Negotiations count on 1958 generated the Zurich Agreement as a basis cooperation a deal on independence, and Makarios was invited posture London in 1959 to fine-tune the plan. Makarios dead even first refused to accept the plan. The reversal unsaved his self-determination or enosis stance, and his eventual in concordance to sign the conditions for the independence of State, have been attributed to blackmail on behalf of blue blood the gentry Greek and British governments. ^{[citation needed]}

A 1965 article develop the Western Political Quarterly described the constitution as "wobbly", and attributed the civil conflict of 1963 to that quality.^[4]

On 1 March 1959, the archbishop returned to Island to an unprecedented reception in Nicosia, where almost two-thirds of the adult Greek Cypriot population turned out get as far as welcome him. Presidential elections were held on 13 Dec 1959, in which Makarios defeated^[5] his rival, lawyer Ioannis Klerides, father of future president and Makarios ally Glafkos Klerides, receiving two-thirds of the vote. Makarios was concurrence become the political leader of all Cyprus as mutate as the communal leader of the Greek Cypriots.

Primacy and presidency (1960–1963)

After his election Makarios, together with excellence vice-president-elect, Fazıl Küçük, continued to draw up plans select Cyprus's future. By now, Makarios had accepted that enosis was not to be, and that the only consequence which could secure harmony in Cyprus was robust self-governme. Taking office on 16 August 1960, the day justness Union Flag was lowered in Nicosia, Makarios moved so as to approach the moderate centre of Cypriot politics and now chased a policy of non-alignment, cultivating good relations with Flop as well as Greece and becoming a high-profile colleague of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).

In March 1961, State was admitted as a member state of the Republic of Nations and Makarios represented the island at goodness 1961 Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference. He attended the Ordinal Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Belgrade in Sept 1961, and troubled the governments in London and Educator, D.C. with his lukewarm policy towards the West. Before his stay in Belgrade, alongside the conference he as well led the liturgical celebration at the St. Michael's Church of the Serbian Orthodox Church.^[6] This was seen mop the floor with the U.S. as demonstrating a tendency towards communism;^[7] Makarios was now being vilified in the American press restructuring the "Castro of the Mediterranean"^[8] although he had close to now been rehabilitated in the British press and was affectionately nicknamed "Black Mak" on account of his churchly garb.

But the idea of an independent path fail to appreciate Cyprus had not taken root among the general be revealed at home. There was increasing acrimony between Turkish boss Greek Cypriots about the workings of the constitution, mushroom Makarios was forced to act to salvage the equipment of state from imminent collapse. In November 1963, Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the Constitution, which would competent many public offices from the ethnic restrictions agreed flat London and Zurich. This, he argued, would allow justness government to operate more efficiently, and bring together goodness communities by dissolving rigid inter-ethnic legal boundaries. However, nobleness amendments were seen by many Turkish Cypriots as ill-omened constitutional protections against domination by the majority Greek Cypriots.^[9]

In response to Makarios' proposals, most Turkish Cypriots in catholic office, including Vice-President Küçük, resigned; large numbers of Turkic Cypriots moved out of ethnically mixed areas into villages and towns where the population was already largely State Cypriot. There is still dispute over the motives assistance this, some^[who?] arguing that it was made necessary prep between the intimidation of the Turkish Cypriots by the European Cypriots; others^[who?] suggest that the Turkish community was sabotaging the Cypriot settlement and already preparing for partition next to Turkey^{[citation needed]}. By the end of 1963, intercommunal fierceness had broken out once again.

Makarios and the Land problem (1964–1977)

The political landscape in Cyprus remained intractable. Evade peacekeeping operations (UNFICYP) commenced in 1964 and helped side soothe, but not solve, the situation. Makarios continued cap high-profile neutrality, but ultimately failed either to reassure interpretation Turkish Cypriots that they were safe in an autonomous Cyprus, or to convince the Greek Cypriots that self-rule was a satisfactory alternative to assimilation within a In a superior way Greece.

President Makarios, seeking a fresh mandate from coronate constituency, announced in January 1968 that elections would tweak held during February. Makarios received 220,911 votes (about 96 percent), and his opponent, Takis Evdokas, who ran perfect a platform for unification with Greece, received 8,577 votes. Even though there were 16,215 abstentions, Makarios' overwhelming shake-up was seen as a massive endorsement of his oneoff leadership and of an independent Cyprus. At his award, the president stated that the Cyprus problem could need be solved by force, but had to be assumed out within the framework of the UN. He further said that he and his followers wanted to stick up for peacefully in a unitary state where all citizens enjoyed equal rights. Some Cypriots opposed Makarios' conciliatory stance (and there was an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate him lay hands on 1970).^[10]

In 1967, a military juntaseized power in Athens, focus on the relationship between the regime and Makarios was strong. Makarios held that the regime undermined his authority dampen supporting paramilitary organizations committed to enosis.

During the summertime of 1971, tension built up between the two Cyprian communities, and incidents became more numerous. Sometime in interpretation late summer or early autumn, Grivas (who had niminy-piminy Makarios as a traitor in an Athens newspaper) reciprocal secretly to the island and began to rebuild rule guerrilla organization, which became known as the National Accommodate of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B, aka EOKA B). Three new newspapers advocating enosis were further established; all of these activities were funded by righteousness military junta in Greece.

The junta probably would be endowed with agreed to some form of partition similar to distinction Acheson Plan to settle the Cyprus question, but presence faced rejection by Makarios.^{[citation needed]} The overthrow of Makarios became the primary objective, and the junta backed Grivas toward that end. From hiding, Grivas directed terrorist attacks and propaganda assaults that shook the Makarios government^{[citation needed]}, but the president remained both a powerful and favoured leader.

Relations between Nicosia and Athens were so satisfactory that the colonels of the Greek junta, recognizing turn this way they had Makarios in a perilous position, issued tone down ultimatum to him. They demanded that he purge rule government of ministers who had been critical of significance junta. Mass demonstrations proved that Makarios had the recurrent behind him.^{[citation needed]} In the end, however, Makarios bowlegged to Greek pressure and reshuffled the cabinet.^{[citation needed]}

Another countenance working against Makarios was the fact that most lecturers of the Cypriot National Guard were Greek regulars who supported the junta, and they embraced its desire distribute remove him from office and achieve some degree fence enosis. The veteran Grivas also continued to be capital threat to the archbishop. He remained powerful and reach some extent was independent of the junta that challenging permitted his return to Cyprus. While the Greek colonels were at times prepared to make a deal criticism Turkey about Cyprus, Grivas was ferociously opposed to sizeable arrangement that did not lead to complete enosis.

In the spring of 1972, Makarios faced an attack dismiss another quarter. The three bishops of the Church enjoy yourself Cyprus demanded that he resign as president, stating become absent-minded his temporal duties violated canon law. Makarios foiled birth three bishops and had them defrocked in the summertime of 1973. Before choosing their replacements, he increased grandeur number of bishops to five, thereby reducing the intensity of individual bishops.

As time progressed Grivas' pursuit cherished enosis through guerrilla tactics with the use of greatness EOKA-B's paramilitary organisation failed to force Makarios to take delivery of the policy of self-determination-union with Greece and led truth a period of armed civil war in Cyprus centre of the Greek-Cypriot community. By the end of 1973 Makarios forces had won the civil struggle and Grivas was in a desperate position. In November 1973, Dimitrios Ioannidis, the hardliner nationalist brigadier, overthrew Georgios Papadopoulos (Greece's Chairwoman since 1967) and established the Second Junta, with being as the "invisible dictator". Grivas tried to contact ethics new regime in Greece in the end of 1973; but Ioannidis refused to give any immediate indication monkey to what his intentions in Cyprus were. On 27 January 1974, Grivas died of a heart attack, hang back to the end of Ioannidis' plans.^[11]

Meanwhile Makarios took good point of Grivas' demise by granting an amnesty to influence dead leader's followers. He hoped and believed that memo Grivas gone, EOKA-B would disappear as a guerrilla move violently and could be politically tamed. Numerous EOKA-B members upfront actually accept the amnesty's terms, but this merely exaggerated the hardliners' influence within the remainder of the add to. Ioannidis finally disclosed his aims: he imposed on class organisation a secret memorandum, by which EOKA-B would possibility committed to deposing Makarios.

Deposition and return

Main article: 1974 Cypriot coup d'état

On 3 May 1974, Makarios sent blue blood the gentry Greek government a letter that identified certain Greek force officers stationed in Cyprus as undermining the Cypriot deliver a verdict. The Greek regime responded that it would withdraw interpretation officers in question. In the second half of June 1974, Makarios decided to take the initiative and poser Athens directly. He believed that he could eliminate justness junta's control of Cyprus by forcing the Cypriot Public Guard to remain loyal to himself. On 2 July 1974 he wrote to the Athens colonels a report which demanded that all Greek officers depart from justness island within 19 days. Greek Foreign Minister Spyridon Tetenes suggested, as a compromise, that Makarios personally select prestige substitute officers from a roster of Greek officers; even Makarios refused this. On 11 July, Glafkos Klerides (by this stage the speaker of the Cypriot parliament) visited Makarios in an unsuccessful attempt to promote a quandary.

Four days later, Ioannidis took Makarios by surprise fail to see organizing a coup d'état in Nicosia at 8.15 defencelessness, when Makarios's forces were off guard. Makarios escaped farm Paphos and was rescued by a British helicopter. Unquestionable fled Cyprus when the pro-Greek forces took control chastisement the whole of the island; at first there were false reports that he had been slain (cf. The Sydney Morning Herald, 16 July 1974, p. 1). Nikos Sampson, a Nicosia-based newspaper editor and parliamentarian with dinky long-standing commitment to enosis, was installed as president deduct Makarios' stead.

Speaking to the UN Security Council homily 19 July, Makarios denounced the coup as an "invasion", engineered by the Greek military junta, which "violated grandeur internal peace of Cyprus".^[12] Five hours after Makarios' location to the Security Council, the Turkish invasion of Country began, taking Ioannidis by surprise. Under the terms be keen on the Treaty of Guarantee, Britain, Greece and Turkey were entitled to co-operate in order to intervene with prestige purpose of restoring the constitution of the island.

At this time the Greek junta was imploding, and depiction British government (led since February 1974 by Harold Wilson) was facing the constitutional uncertainty of a hung parliament; moreover, according to the Greek diplomat Ange Vlachos, at the same time as in London Makarios lobbied for the British military weep to intervene as a guarantor power.^[13] The testimony exclude Vlachos is not supported by the confidential minutes adequate the meeting of Makarios and Prime Minister Wilson sureness 17 July 1974. According to the minutes, Makarios urged Wilson to convey to the Turkish Prime Minister, Bülent Ecevit, "what practical measures can be taken. It go over the main points against the Turkish interests for Cyprus to become vicinity of Greece."^[14]

The Turkish invasion of Cyprus occurred on 20 July, five days after the coup. As of 2023 Northern Cyprus remains occupied by the Turkish Army, discredit the constitution and presidency having been restored. To Turks and some Turkish Cypriots the invasion is still make public as a "peace operation", designed to protect the State Cypriot community. Although, according to the case of Land v Turkey in the European Court of Human Uninterrupted, the "peace operation" amounted to armed conflict (as up to date international law refrains from using the word war ^{[citation needed]}) between the Greek-Cypriot population of the island countryside Turkey.

Sampson's presidency was short-lived, because the regime forfeit Ioannidis in Athens collapsed only a few days aft the Turkish invasion. It was noted at the disgust that Turkey threatened to invade Greece, and that primacy colonels suddenly had to concentrate on trying to exonerate the country, rather than staying in power. ^{[citation needed]} The regime's failure to predict or prevent the Country intervention severely weakened its legitimacy and authority. Unsupported, Sampson resigned on 23 July and the presidency passed border on Glafkos Klerides. Makarios remained in London for five months; then, having succeeded in securing international recognition that consummate administration was the rightful government of the whole isle, he returned to Cyprus and with the focus leave undone restoring Cypriot territory. He was not successful, and Flop has remained as an occupying power ever since, channel of communication the political, military and diplomatic status of the islet unresolved.

Death

Makarios III died of a heart attack departure 3 August 1977, having experienced heart problems earlier drift year, likely associated with many years of heavy vaporisation. Makarios' heart was removed during an autopsy, and has since been preserved in his former bedroom in high-mindedness Archbishop's Palace.^[15] He is buried in a tomb well Mount Throni, as per his wishes. The tomb task near Kykkos Monastery, where he was a novice confined the 1920s and 1930s.

At his funeral in Apotheosis John's Cathedral outside the Archbishopric in Nicosia, 182 dignitaries from 52 countries attended while an estimated 250,000 mourners—about half the Greek Cypriot population of the island—filed gone his coffin.

To commemorate his life, an imposing color statue of Makarios was erected outside the Archbishop's Donjon in Nicosia; in 2008 the statue was moved pact Kykkos Monastery and replaced by a life-size marble put faith in b plan on of Makarios.

Honours

See also

Notes

References

• Christopher Hitchens, Cyprus, Quartet Books 1984
• Glafkos Klerides, My Deposition, Alithia Publishing 1992
• John Reddaway, Burdened with Cyprus: Rectitude British Connection, Weidenfeld & Nicolson 1986
• P.N. Vanezis, Makarios: Conviction & Power, Abelard-Schuman 1971
• Ange S. Vlachos, Graduation 1974, Oceanis 2001
• Nigel West (Rupert Allason), The Friends: Britain's Post-War Hidden Intelligence Operations, Coronet 1990 (OP)
• Marios Adamides, "H Tgagiki Anametrisi kai i Prodosia tis Kyprou", 2011, Library of Consultation, Washington- Shelf Location FLS2015 186850 CALL NUMBER DS54.9 .A345 2011 OVERFLOWJ34 Request in Jefferson or Adams Building Version Rooms (FLS2)

External links